Australia has created one of the strangest nicotine markets in the developed world. Combustible cigarettes—the product responsible for the overwhelming majority of tobacco-related disease—remain legally available through ordinary retailers, while access to lower-risk alternatives has become progressively more difficult. The latest example is nicotine pouches.
From 24 July 2026, the Therapeutic Goods Administration removed the remaining consumer pathways for accessing nicotine pouches. Personal importation is no longer permitted, doctors cannot prescribe them through the Special Access or Authorised Prescriber schemes, and pharmacists cannot compound them. No nicotine pouch is currently included on the Australian Register of Therapeutic Goods, meaning there is effectively no lawful consumer supply.
The contrast could hardly be clearer: cigarettes remain on shelves while a tobacco-free product that produces neither smoke nor aerosol has effectively disappeared from the legal market. For tobacco harm reduction advocates, this represents Australia’s central policy problem—not insufficient regulation, but a risk hierarchy turned upside down.
Sweden shows what Australia is missing
Sweden is renowned for moving in the opposite direction. Instead of expecting every smoker to abandon nicotine entirely, it has allowed non-combustible alternatives to compete with cigarettes. Longstanding snus use has been joined by tobacco-free nicotine pouches, helping create a diverse market of products that avoid combustion.
Recent Swedish data put daily smoking at exceptionally low levels, while Smoke Free Sweden’s Power in a Pouch report argues that nicotine pouches have become particularly important among former smokers, especially women. Its survey found 26% of male and 28% of female ex-smokers identifying pouches as their most effective quitting aid. While a 2025 Cochrane review found no short-term serious harms in the small studies available and reductions in some biomarkers of tobacco-smoke exposure among smokers allocated to pouches.
Britain shows why consumer choice matters
The UK provides another useful example of a diversified harm-reduction market. Vaping remains the dominant alternative, supported by strong evidence for cessation. The latest
Cochrane living review examined 104 studies involving more than 30,000 adults and concluded that nicotine vapes help more people quit smoking than conventional nicotine replacement therapy.
Nicotine pouches mostly attract smokers and recent ex-smokers. Action on Smoking and Health’s 2026 survey found current pouch use at 5.1% among smokers, 2.1% among ex-smokers and just 0.3% among never-smokers. Among people who had quit smoking during the previous year, pouch use reached 5.8%.
These figures suggest that the product currently appeals disproportionately to people with smoking histories rather than never-smokers. That matters because smokers tend to prefer vaping because it replicates inhalation and hand-to-mouth behaviour. But others clearly prefer an oral product that requires no device, produces no vapour and can be used discreetly. The more acceptable alternatives available, the greater the chance of finding something that can replace cigarettes for everyone.
Australia’s restrictions are feeding a massive black market
Australia is moving in the opposite direction while also experiencing an extraordinary shift toward illicit supply. Experimental modelling published by
the Australian Bureau of Statistics estimates that total nicotine consumption increased by almost 40% between 2017 and 2025, despite population growth of only 14%. Over the same period, the estimated proportion supplied through illicit sources rose from 12% to 80%.
The ABS stresses that these estimates are not definite because wastewater can measure overall nicotine consumption but cannot determine which products produced it. Administrative and survey data must therefore be used to allocate consumption across cigarettes, vapes and other nicotine products.
Nevertheless, the underlying signal is difficult to ignore. Legal tobacco quantities fell to less than one-third of their 2017 level while total estimated nicotine consumption rose. The ABS concludes that substitution towards cheaper illicit products has more than offset declining legal consumption. Against that background, eliminating another lawful smoke-free option looks less like consumer protection and more like handing an established illicit market another product category.
New Zealand provides the most relevant comparison
Australia does not need to look as far as Sweden for an alternative regulatory model. Neighbouring New Zealand has historically regulated vaping as a legal consumer product rather than forcing consumers through Australia’s much narrower system. A 2025 study in Addiction compared smoking and vaping trends in the two countries between 2016 and 2023.
Daily smoking in New Zealand declined from 14.5% to 6.8%, compared with 12.2% to 8.3% in Australia. The researchers also found faster smoking reductions among lower socioeconomic groups and Indigenous populations in New Zealand.
The observational study cannot prove that vaping regulation alone caused this difference. But it provides a valuable natural comparison between neighbouring countries with similar conventional tobacco-control policies and sharply different approaches to safer nicotine alternatives. Importantly (and in this case mostly overlooked), consumer accounts indicate that Australia’s harsh restrictions on safer alternatives are where the problem lies.
Meanwhile, New Zealand itself does not yet operate an unrestricted legal nicotine-pouch market; oral nicotine products remain subject to specific medicines and psychoactive-substance rules. The stronger lesson from New Zealand is therefore about vaping: legal, regulated alternatives can coexist with faster declines in smoking.
Australia needs to put risk back at the centre
Australia’s problem is not that cigarettes are insufficiently regulated. It is that its nicotine framework repeatedly makes safer legal alternatives harder to obtain while illicit suppliers remain willing to provide whatever consumers want.
No one is implying that nicotine pouches should be sold freely and free of regulations. They should have enforceable standards covering nicotine content, ingredients, packaging and youth access. Manufacturers should be required to substantiate claims, and regulators should continue gathering long-term oral-health and epidemiological evidence. But none of that requires eliminating legal access.
A rational tobacco harm reduction strategy would put combustible cigarettes under the greatest regulatory and fiscal pressure, while creating controlled pathways for lower-risk products capable of replacing them. Australia has instead preserved the easiest legal route to the most dangerous product, restricted vaping and now effectively closed legal access to nicotine pouches—all while an enormous illicit nicotine economy has developed around those restrictions.
Sweden demonstrates the potential value of consumer choice. Britain shows different alternatives can appeal to different smokers. New Zealand shows that regulated vaping will lead to rapid declines in smoking. Australia’s approach remains the reverse: make safer products difficult to obtain, leave cigarettes readily available, then fight the black market that predictably fills the gap. If the objective is genuinely to reduce smoking-related disease, that hierarchy needs to be turned the right way up.
Australia Insists on Opting for Nicotine Prohibition, Despite Failing Miserably
