With so much of my attention focused on U.S. rescheduling lately, I wanted to take advantage of the D.C. Circuit’s delay and the DEA ALJ’s delayed timeline. This gives me an opportunity to get back into some considerations on international cannabis reform.

Who controls government is one of the most important factors when discussing cannabis reform. Most international cannabis advisors focus on a country’s cannabis policies, but not necessarily on the politics that created those policies. They also tend to overlook the politics that will determine their future. That is where I differ. I not only follow cannabis policy, but also the politics that can determine whether those policies advance, stall, or move backwards.

Over the past few years, more and more countries have moved politically right. This shift can directly affect how governments implement existing cannabis policies and whether they pursue further reforms. In 2024, the Netherlands took a sharp turn to the right, before returning to more of a middle-right ground in 2026. Since 2025, right-leaning coalitions have also taken control in Germany and the Czech Republic. It is therefore not surprising that governments in Germany and Czechia have pushed to reign in recent cannabis advancements. In Latin America, we have seen Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Argentina, and Chile move to the right as well.

This political shift is particularly important now. Several significant cannabis markets face elections or political changes that could determine the direction of cannabis policy for years.

Colombia

Before discussing Brazil, France, and Germany I want to briefly discuss Colombia. The country just swore in its new right-wing President this month.

After a runoff election on June 21, 2026, the right-wing candidate, De la Espriella, won the Presidential election. Espriella was sworn in as Colombia’s President on August 7, 2026. His election is likely an unfortunate turn for further cannabis reform in South America’s most advanced medical cannabis country.

Espriella has been quoted as saying (translated from Spanish) that “there will be no room for marijuana legalization in his administration.” The President also appears to support the failed war on drugs. He has stated (again translated) that “drugs cannot be understood as a matter of individual freedoms but rather as the root of a structural problem that degrades society, corrupts institutions, and destroys families.” Colombia is also likely to return to vigorously fighting against drug trafficking, but the primary focus appears to be coca production.

So far, Espriella has not signaled that he intends to roll back Colombia’s medical marijuana advancements. His election, however, likely means there will be no major advancements in the near future. That includes full legalization, which former President Gustavo Petro saw fall apart at the last minute.

Thankfully, Colombia established the foundation of its medical and scientific cannabis program via legislation, so those laws are likely safe. The decrees and resolutions are much less certain, however. Will Espriella’s administration enforce the laws, license operators, and issue export and import permits?

Brazil

Brazil has expanded its medical marijuana program since President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, or Lula as he is fondly called, took office in 2023. Former President Jair Bolsonaro was a staunch opponent of domestic cannabis cultivation and stopped such advancement in its tracks during his tenure. Since Lula took over, the cannabis industry has pushed forward advancing domestic cultivation. That effort finally became a reality in August of 2026.

Brazil is already a desired destination for U.S. hemp and marijuana operators alike. I know of U.S. exporters sending intoxicating Delta-8 and Delta-9 hemp derived products to Brazil. But the demand is certainly there. Until domestic cultivation gets going, the country’s patients will continue to rely on imports.

In addition to developing domestic cultivation, Brazil saw medical marijuana imports grow by 60% in March 2026. Brazil is a huge market with potential opportunities for U.S. operators. Those opportunities could expand if medical marijuana rescheduling survives court challenges.

Whether these advancements continue could depend on Lula remaining President after Brazil’s October 4th election. Brazil’s election requires a +50% majority. If no candidate crosses that threshold, there will be a runoff election on October 25th. Runoff elections tend to favor the challenger over the incumbent. If the incumbent fails to secure +50%, it means that more than half of voters wanted someone else in the first round.

The primary challenger is former President Bolsonaro’s son, Flávio Bolsonaro. Not a lot is known about where he stands on medical marijuana. However, he opposes broader marijuana legalization and has supported maintaining criminal penalties for possession. His 2026 campaign also emphasizes aggressive drug enforcement. If he follows his father’s approach to medical cannabis, a Bolsonaro victory would not bode well for the industry.

As of August 23, 2026, the first round polling has Lula at 40% and Flávio at 34%. For a runoff, things appear much closer. Lula is at 45%, Flávio is at 44%, and undecideds sit at 11%.

Just before the U.S. goes to the polls in November, the cannabis industry’s eyes should be on Brazil in October. Hopefully Lula can pull it off and stop the conservative wave that has proliferated through Latin America.

France

France is one of the more frustrating countries of late when it comes to cannabis reform. France launched a medical cannabis experiment in March 2021, which ended on December 31, 2024. France then initiated a transition period to ensure that patients treated during the trial maintained access to treatment.

The transition period was initially scheduled to end on January 1, 2025. France then extended it to March 31, 2026, and later until the first quarter of 2027. These extensions became necessary because France has not yet published all rules and decrees implementing its medical cannabis law, enacted in December 2023.

The current law lies somewhere between the medical marijuana frameworks seen in other European jurisdictions and a pharmaceutical model. The program does not initially permit raw marijuana flower. It does, however, provide a tiered reimbursement system under France’s health care system. France will implement the program through its pharmaceutical regulatory structure.

Three years after the program commences, France will reassess whether it should add other products, including flower, to the program. Who leads France at that time could influence that review. But first, France needs to implement the law.

France reportedly submitted the decree governing evaluation, pricing, and reimbursement to the French Conseil d’État on July 2, 2026. The Conseil d’État is France’s highest administrative court. Once it issues its opinion, the French National Authority for Health can formally assess medical cannabis products. It can then make recommendations regarding their eligibility for reimbursement through the French public health system. Companies can start seeking market access once France puts this decree and the other necessary implementing measures into force.

The repeated delays create a real concern that France will again miss its first quarter 2027 deadline. If that occurs, France may not implement the program before it elects its next President.

France goes to the polls on April 18, 2027. France elects its president in two rounds. The top two candidates in the first round face each other in a runoff.

Until a few weeks ago, far right leader Marine Le Pen appeared likely to run away with the Presidency. Her victory would not necessarily spell the end of France’s medical cannabis program. It could, however, raise serious questions about whether France would implement the current framework as planned. A new government could also reconsider parts of the framework. If Le Pen’s party controls the government during the three year review, flower will almost certainly not be added into the program.

There is some good news though for the French cannabis movement. Far left candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon has been moving up in the polls. He is now considered the most likely candidate to face Le Pen in the runoff election.

Part of Mélenchon’s 2027 campaign platform proposes to “legalize and regulate the consumption, production, and sale of cannabis for recreational purposes through a state monopoly, under conditions that combat addiction.” If Mélenchon wins, flower could have a strong advocate for inclusion in the medical program. Adult-use legalization would also, for the first time, have a strong proponent in the President.

Germany

Germany does not have another federal election until 2029, but important state elections could foreshadow changes to its cannabis program. A left leaning government implemented Germany’s cannabis program before losing power in 2025. The Christian Democratic Union (“CDU”) then won the most seats in parliament. Because it didn’t win an outright majority, the CDU needed other parties to form a government.

Normally, the CDU would have looked to the second place party as a potential coalition partner. That party, however, was the Alternative for Germany (“AfD”). The AfD is a far right-wing German party that the German counterintelligence agency designates as an extremist party.

The CDU and other mainstream parties have thus far maintained a firewall against allowing the AfD to participate in government. Pursuant to that firewall, the CDU formed a coalition with the Christian Social Union (“CSU”) and Social Democratic Party (“SPD”). Importantly, the SPD spearheaded the cannabis law under the prior left-leaning government.

This matters because the CSU and CDU ran on platforms that called for abolishing the prior government’s cannabis law. The SPD’s participation in the coalition has so far prevented those efforts from succeeding. The biggest question in German cannabis right now should therefore be, how long can the firewall against the AfD last?

The AfD also opposes the prior government’s adult-use cannabis law and believes cannabis should be medical only. Until now, Germany’s other political parties have kept the AfD out of government. In early September, that could all change.

Saxony-Anhalt will hold state elections on September 6th. Mecklenburg-Vorpommern will follow on September 20th. The AfD is currently polling at 42% in Saxony-Anhalt. The second place CDU sits far behind at 22%. In Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, the AfD leads the SPD 36% to 29%.

If the AfD fails to secure an outright majority, it will face the same coalition problem it faces nationally. It would need another party to join it in government. But an outright majority would allow the AfD to form Germany’s first AfD state government. With pressure to align with the AfD likely greater likely greater at a local level, a coalition with another party could potentially do the same.

An AfD state government could then control that state’s Bundesrat votes. For those in the U.S., think of the Bundesrat as similar to a chamber of Congress made up of representatives appointed by each state government. Control of a state government would therefore give the AfD direct influence in the federal legislative process for the first time.

At the same time, the CDU/CSU are trailing the AfD in national polls. If the AfD gains control of a state government and its Bundesrat votes, could it become too big for the CDU/CSU to ignore? Could the CDU/CSU eventually abandon the firewall and replace the SPD with the AfD as a federal governing partner?

I hope not, but the changing political environment makes the question increasingly relevant. Such a coalition could seek to repeal Germany’s current adult-use program. It could also restrict the medical program, including through tighter controls on telehealth and delivery.

Conclusion

The next several months could prove important for the international cannabis industry. Colombia has already shifted to the right. Its new President openly opposes further marijuana legalization, raising questions about whether Colombia’s medical cannabis framework will continue to develop.

Brazil now faces an October election that could determine whether the country continues expanding domestic medical cannabis cultivation under Lula. France is racing against regulatory delays and an April 2027 Presidential election. It still needs to fully implement the medical cannabis framework enacted in 2023. Germany, meanwhile, faces state elections that could test whether its political movement to the right threatens the prior government’s cannabis reforms.

Cannabis operators, investors, and policymakers should not view these elections simply as political events. They could directly affect licensing, cultivation, imports, exports, product availability, reimbursement, and market access.

The larger trend is difficult to ignore. Cannabis reform expanded internationally while many countries had center left or left leaning governments. Several of those countries are now moving in the opposite political direction. That shift will test the durability of their cannabis reforms.

Implementation may provide the best protection against future political changes. Germany’s Phase II legalization illustrates the problem. The prior government contemplated scientific adult-use pilot programs, but those programs never became operational. Under the current government, they likely never will.

That lesson extends beyond Germany. If a country does not implement cannabis reform before political control changes, the next government can more easily stop it before it ever takes hold.

The cannabis industry has spent years focusing on when countries will legalize. The next phase may require just as much attention to a different question. Once cannabis reform is enacted, how durable is it when political control changes?

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VAPORESSO, a global leader and pioneer in the vaping industry, has officially launched its 11th anniversary global campaign under the theme “Once Again, Beyond Ordinary”. This milestone marks another important chapter in the brand’s 11-year journey of technological innovation and global growth. 

A Year of Strategic Progress and Breakthrough Innovations

Over the past year, VAPORESSO has significantly strengthened its global brand presence, highlighted by the sponsorship partnership with the Argentine Football Association (AFA). The alliance bridges VAPORESSO’s “MOVE BEYOND ORDINARY” brand philosophy with AFA’s championship spirit. This shared drive to push boundaries is reflected in the continued evolution of VAPORESSO’s product portfolio with a number of innovations. 

The newly introduced XROS 6 features the innovative 60S Smart Prime and VENTURI airflow systems. The XROS PRO 2 takes design to the next level with its lightweight and premium magnesium-alloy body, while the XROS 5 and XROS 5 MINI incorporate COREX 3.0 technology to boost performance. The LUXE XR MAX 2 integrates a high-density battery into a compact chassis. Equipped with VAPORESSO Dual Mesh technology, VIBE SE and VIBE NANO models redefine the vaping experience. 

Global Creators Visit VAPORESSO HQ in Shenzhen

For the anniversary campaign, VAPORESSO invited a group of global creator partners to China for an exclusive four-day visit, offering an unprecedented look behind the brand’s manufacturing and tech ecosystem. 

During their stay at VAPORESSO’s headquarters in Shenzhen, creators took part in team activities and interactive experiences, such as blind flavor testing and discussions with R&D specialists on flavor development. They also met with product managers for the exchange of opinions on market trends, future product expectations and upcoming releases. 

Moreover, the visit also featured another behind-the-scenes tour of VAPORESSO’s manufacturing facilities, where the creators learned about production processes, quality management and innovation in manufacturing. The itinerary additionally included visits to Shenzhen landmarks to get a glimpse of the technology-driven environment and local culture of the city where VAPORESSO is based. 

Bringing the Anniversary Experience to Global Markets via AI Tech

Meanwhile, VAPORESSO rolled out AI interactive installations at selected stores in key markets, including the UK, U.S., France, Indonesia, and the UAE to deliver an engaging and shareable offline brand experience. 

Designed to transform the celebration into an experiential and shareable journey, the installations allowed visitors to engage in an immersive AI experience, where they could co-create personalized anniversary interface designs and claim custom VAPORESSO gifts. 

Inviting Users to Share Their Own Stories

Additionally, as part of the anniversary celebration, VAPORESSO’s official website and social media channels are inviting users to post their own breakthrough moments online for a chance to win limited-edition 11th-anniversary merchandise. Selected representative stories will be made into custom user story videos. VAPORESSO believes that real-life journeys have the power to make “MOVE BEYOND ORDINARY” more than a slogan but a shared expression shaped by users around the world. 

As VAPORESSO enters its 12th year, the brand remains committed to advancing vaping technology through continuous innovation, rigorous quality standards and user-focused design. Together with its global community of adult smokers and partners, VAPORESSO will continue to MOVE BEYOND ORDINARY, explore new possibilities and shape the next chapter of its journey. 

For more information about VAPORESSO, please visit: https://www.vaporesso.com/ 

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Where safer nicotine use goes up, smoking goes down

GSTHR analysis found that increasing use of safer nicotine products has coincided with declining smoking prevalence across 28 countries. In several nations—including Sweden, Norway, Iceland, New Zealand and the UK—use of safer nicotine products has already overtaken smoking.

Nevertheless, the international pattern provides strong evidence that consumers can substitute lower-risk nicotine products for cigarettes when those alternatives are accessible and acceptable. The scale of this transition is now difficult to dismiss. GSTHR’s peer-reviewed estimates indicate that approximately 129 million people vaped in 2025, while around 78 million used heated tobacco products in 2024, in addition to tens of millions using snus and nicotine pouches.

The evidence for vaping as a cessation tool is undeniable

Recent research is also adding to the evidence on toxicant exposure. A randomised clinical trial published in JAMA Network Open found that adults who switched from cigarettes to a nicotine pod-based e-cigarette experienced reductions in certain biomarkers associated with cigarette smoke exposure. The study concluded that effective nicotine delivery may help facilitate both smoking cessation and reductions in toxicant exposure.

Prohibition has never decreased demand

But prohibition does not necessarily eliminate demand. The US provides a useful illustration. Research published in the American Journal of Preventive Medicine found that the amount of nicotine contained in e-cigarettes sold monthly increased by 249.2% between February 2020 and June 2024, while standardised unit sales rose by only 34.7%. Disposable products accounted for much of this expansion.

The inequality problem

Change is already underway. Will lawmakers choose to keep up?

Smoking remains one of the world’s largest preventable causes of death, responsible for millions of deaths every year. The economic consequences are similarly enormous, including healthcare expenditure, lost productivity and premature mortality. Yet tobacco control policy frequently focuses on reducing nicotine use rather than prioritising the elimination of the most dangerous form of nicotine consumption: combustible tobacco. Emerging evidence suggests these objectives should not be confused.

The Recent Motions Across the Globe Keeping Cigarettes on Top and Safer Alternatives Underground

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Turkey’s proposed tobacco legislation represents one of the most draconian anti-nicotine frameworks to date. By proposing a complete ban on tobacco products, including their production, sale, and consumption by 2040, Ankara is putting the finishing touches on its prohibitionist endgame. The proposal is critical in that it does not draw a distinction between combustible cigarettes and reduced-risk alternatives. Instead, it broadens the concept of “tobacco products,” including e-cigarettes and heated tobacco as well as all systems that contain nicotine.

Ignoring different risk levels

A wide body of toxicological and epidemiological literature has long shown that the carcinogenic properties of smoking derive from combustion byproducts—tar, carbon monoxide, and thousands of toxicants produced when tobacco is burned. While nicotine, although addictive, is not classified as a carcinogen by major authorities and is of minor importance in cancer causation.

But frameworks such as the one proposed in Turkey’s draft law obliterate these distinctions, building regulatory environments in which less harmful products are regulated with the same strictness as the most dangerous ones. This could sabotage one of the biggest levers to help reduce smoking-related disease: substitution.

An unfortunate global pattern — from Seoul to Hawaii

A fork in the road for Bangladesh?

By contrast, Bangladesh is now reviewing its planned 2025 ban on vaping and other new nicotine products. Advocacy groups such as the Coalition of Asia Pacific Tobacco Harm Reduction Advocates (CAPHRA), say this review is an opportunity to adopt a more pragmatic, risk-proportionate framework. Their stance reflects a commonly held view among harm reduction experts: it is possible to engage in effective tobacco control without forcing a choice between protecting youth and reducing harm for adults. Both can be accomplished through targeted regulation — strict age limits, product standards, and enforcement against illicit sales — while keeping access to safer alternatives for smokers.

The proliferation of such approaches was flagged by groups such as Prohibition Does Not Work (PDNW) and the Observatory for Harm Reduction in Medicine, which decried them as unscientific and inconsistent with reality. Demand doesn’t disappear; it moves, based on data from jurisdictions that have enacted restrictive policies. In the Netherlands, for instance, where flavour restrictions were introduced a few years earlier, a large proportion of users continue to consume outlawed products through the black market or cross-border access following these laws.

So what actually reduces smoking in the real world?

These results reinforce an important lesson: when smokers are given the opportunity to transition to attractive, lower-risk alternatives, many will do so. By contrast, when such alternatives are limited or stigmatized, smoking reductions slow and even reverse.

Turkey’s proposed law reflects a wider dilemma worldwide. Policymakers can choose effective nicotine elimination strategies that penalize all products uniformly, or proceed with risk-proportional measures informed by available science.

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